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Sustainability and the Environment

Conservatives
Labour
Liberal Democrat
Green
Reform
Plaid Cymru
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3
4
4
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4

‘Plaid Cymru, the Liberal Democrats and Greens discuss environmental issues in the most nuanced, comprehensive manner.’

Introduction
Across the six available manifestos the discussion of environmental issues varies substantially in terms of reach and ambition, with some showing significantly more potential to enable people to flourish and to create positive social outcomes than others. Plaid Cymru, the Liberal Democrats and Greens discuss environmental issues in the most nuanced, comprehensive manner, all drawing on variations of the term ‘emergency’ and ‘crisis’ to describe both the threat of climate change and threats to the natural environment (Labour does so in a more limited way), and drawing on international narratives around the ‘just transition’ to net zero.

 

Given the wide-ranging nature of environmental issues it is not possible to cover them all here, instead, climate change and the net zero transition, and water pollution are used as examples.

 


Example 1: Climate change and the net zero transition


With the exception of Reform, which commits to scrapping net zero policies within the first 100 days of office, the other five manifestos recognise the threat posed by climate change and commit to the net zero agenda. Within this context, the Conservatives, Labour and Liberal Democrats reference the need for energy security especially in light of the war in Ukraine, and all manifestos describe the need for greater energy production at home.

How net zero objectives might be achieved is handled very differently across the manifestos that support it, with the Conservatives continuing to support the production and use of fossil fuels alongside the development of clean energy: for example, continuing North Sea oil and gas production, and opening new gas power stations, alongside investment in nuclear power and measures to increase renewable energy such as trebling offshore wind capacity. These latter measures are presented as a necessary and pragmatic trade-off – choosing (in their terms) to keep citizens safe and warm over clean energy.

On the other hand, Labour’s tone is far more positive, highlighting the opportunities associated with net zero, and is embodied in the ambition to become a ‘clean energy superpower’. Labour’s target is to ensure ‘clean energy’ by 2030, this includes proposals to double on-shore wind, triple solar power, quadruple offshore wind; invest in carbon capture and storage, hydrogen and marine energy. Similar to the Conservative manifesto, nuclear power will play a part, however, discussion around fossil fuel is much more muted – with ‘strategic reserves’ of gas stations being retained, alongside a ‘phased and responsible’ transition in the North Sea.

 

The Green, Plaid Cymru and Liberal Democrat stance is more ambitious in tone compared to the two main parties, with action reflecting the state of emergency/crisis described within their manifestos. Taking a few examples, the Liberal Democrats plan to invest in renewables so that 90% of UK electricity is renewables-generated by 2030 and plan to reinstate the requirement that all new cars and vans will be zero emission by 2030 (a policy delayed by the Conservatives). The Greens have a target of achieving net zero by 2040 (compared to the existing 2050 target), to issue no new oil and gas licences, and for wind power to provide 70% of electricity by 2030. Plaid Cymru opposes new nuclear power and new licences for oil and gas drilling, and intends to expand the National Welsh Energy Company and community owned energy generation across Wales.

Reform, on the other hand, recognises the challenges posed by climate change, but suggests that adapting to it rather than attempting to prevent it is the best course of action (this goes against international policy narratives and prevailing scientific advice). Reform promises to scrap renewable subsidies, fast-track new nuclear reactors, fast-track licences of North Sea gas and oil, and grant shale gas (fracking) licences on test sites for two years.


All manifestos recognise the potential threats associated with the transition to net zero. Whilst Reform’s approach is to scrap the agenda altogether, the tone of the Conservative manifesto highlights the importance of protecting existing jobs. On the other hand, the other four, to differing extents, highlight the positive opportunities for the creation of green jobs, for example, Labour will incentivise companies to create green jobs with a ‘British Jobs Bonus’. The Liberal Democrats, Greens and Plaid Cymru are the only parties to discuss in explicit terms the ‘just transition’ to net zero, mirroring international policy narratives in this space about the need to provide skills, training and education to enable people to participate in a changing labour market.

 

As part of their discussion about the net zero transition, all five parties that have committed to it cover home energy efficiency, linking this to debates around energy security and in some cases fuel poverty. The Conservative manifesto promises a fund of £6 billion over the next three years to support energy efficiency and ‘make homes warmer’ and Labour intends to invest ‘an extra £6.6 billion’ on improving domestic energy efficiency. Again, the other three parties go further, with the Liberal Democrats proposing a ten- year ‘emergency retrofit’, focusing on those on low incomes; the Greens spending £29 billion over five years to insulate homes to EPC B; and Plaid Cyrmu proposes a long-term plan for public investment in retrofit, especially amongst low income households.

 

Whilst Reform doesn’t mention energy efficiency it does propose abolishing environmental levies and VAT on energy bills, and lowering fuel duty by 20 pence.

Example 2: Water pollution


All manifestos recognise the problems associated with water pollution and the discharge of sewerage into rivers and the sea. Solutions vary in ambition. The Conservatives support cancelling executive bonuses for breaches caused by water companies. Labour goes further, promising to cancel bonuses, but also to put companies into ‘special measures’, and to pursue criminal charges where appropriate. The Greens, on the other hand, support renationalisation (of water companies, but also the large energy companies), the Liberal Democrats pledge to make water companies ‘public interest companies’ and Plaid Cymru proposes greater Welsh control over water to address the issue.
 

Reform state that they will stop the release of sewerage into rivers and seas, but do not expand on how, and unlike the other five manifestos do not explicitly blame water companies.

Overall assessment


Reform’s manifesto does not align with existing scientific knowledge or dominant international narratives on environmental issues, largely dismissing their causes and consequences. The implementation of these policies is likely to worsen existing social and environmental outcomes.

Overall the Conservative manifesto lacks ambition, and suggests that trade-offs must be made between social and environmental policies. If implemented it is likely to perpetuate and entrench existing environmental inequalities rather than enabling people to flourish.

Compared to the Conservatives, Labour’s manifesto covers a wider range of environmental concerns and if implemented successfully could help people to flourish (for example, providing access to nature, protection from climate impacts, more energy efficient housing). Despite this, discussions around clean air were muted, which is disappointing in terms of public health, especially within cities. However, proposals are vague in places, and again, given the extent of the crisis, there is a question over whether the manifesto is sufficiently ambitious.

The Green, Plaid Cymru and Liberal Democrat stance is more ambitious. They promise rapid action in recognition of the climate and nature crisis. These manifestos recognise the interrelationship between people and the environment, and that environmental policies can be combined with social policies, rather than in conflict with each other. Arguably these policies have greater ability to support good social outcomes, although how realistic some of the policies are would benefit from further scrutiny.

 

Icon credit: Rubem Hojo/The Noun Project
 

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